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Bad and Worse; moral ambiguity
A common attitude to the sadism of American troops in Abu Ghraib, understandable enough, was to note the aroused outrage's disproportionate quality when contemplated in light of the prosaic predations in state-run prisons across the Middle East.
That response had merit insofar as it didn't seek to exculpate the behavior, but rather rested on the commonplace that there's bad and there's worse. And it helped to magnify the selective anger - sc., hypocrisy - of many.
Something I thought at the time, and think of frequently when observing the scandalized reactions to every new alleged misdeed and misstep in the occupation of Iraq, is how it seems to be almost an article of faith that allied actions in World War II - "The Good War" - didn't involve any gross misconduct.
To deal adequately with such an enormous question would exceed the humble scope of a blog entry here. Aside from such deeply disturbing actions as firebombing cities (including, of course, the use of atomic bombs) and acceding to/facilitating the mass transfer of populations, even a Pyrrhic victory such as the D-Day landing at Normandy is not, alas, free from stain. As a recent article by Kevin Myers in the Torygraph notes (login required),
"Nor were casualties in any way confined to military personnel. At least 20,000 Norman civilians were killed and over 100,000 injured by Allied bombing. Thousands died in the course of a single night raid by the RAF on Le Havre, and thousands more in a comparable attack by the USAAF on St Lo during market day. About 120,000 buildings in Normandy, including vast numbers of precious medieval structures, were totally destroyed during the invasion, and many towns and villages rendered uninhabitable for years. War caused a vast army of refugees to flee across France, and when they returned, their homes were gone.
"Moreover, rape by Allied soldiers was rather more common than is comfortable to admit. Young men at war can be dangerous creatures, no matter how honourable their cause. So Normandy did not savour liberation so much as pay an almost unbearable price for it, one that left the region deeply traumatised for decades to come. Military acts of liberation invariably involve dreadful moral compromises, and can come at a terrible personal price for the liberated, as events in Iraq in the past year have testified."
My point isn't any simplistic "revisionist" one, arguing for some kind of (crude) moral equivalence between the Allies and the Axis Powers; there's bad, and there's (far, far) worse. But it has to be acknowledged that a cause which was broadly "just" was besmirched by actions of, to say the least, very questionable moral character. Yet "we" still revere the war, and are rightly glad that our side prevailed.
What I mean to say is this: it's a basic principle of explanation that what is common to two things cannot explain what is different about one of them. If both an in-the-main just(ified) war, such as World War II, and a more controversial one such as the one at present in Iraq can exhibit shameful behavior by its participants, then - to the extent that there's an isomorphism between the misdeeds in both cases - that behavior cannot render one unjust yet not shake our esteem of the other. (Incessant argument might be set off here in comparing what was at stake in the two conflicts, and how the greater desperation of World War II counter-balanced its misdeeds in a way which is lacking in Iraq). To make the matter simpler, and more stark: that civilians have been killed in the recent war doesn't eo ipso entail that the war is unjust; because, regrettably, non-combatants have always been killed in war, the putatively just and unjust ones alike. Those who try to reason from such facts and behavior to the injustice of the war in/for Iraq are riding a bike with training wheels: they're making the task far too easy for themselves.
But still we're left, I'd say, with the troubling moral ambiguity of war and its conduct, even by the "good guys." The truth might be closer to Augustine's view in Civitas Dei, in which the gulf between the earthly city and its divine counterpart can never really be closed. Or, as a secular writer once put it, "war usually doesn't involve a clash of right with wrong, but of wrong with greater wrong." To my mind, this insight is the proverbial thin end of the wedge which undoes Chomsky-style Leftism - a creed which has no feel for the apparently tragic character of existence, in which even the most admirable moral agents can hardly avoid incurring guilt.
June 1, 2004 | Permalink
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» Wanting Less of the Least Bad from Dust in the Light
Although his post is worth reading for points made within the range of its argument, Paul Craddick's thoughts on the inevitability of atrocities in wars extrapolates in an interesting way: What I mean to say is this: it's a basic... [Read More]
Tracked on Jun 9, 2004 5:40:02 PM
» Wanting Less of the Least Bad from Dust in the Light
Although his post is worth reading for points made within the range of its argument, Paul Craddick's thoughts on the inevitability of atrocities in wars extrapolates in an interesting way: What I mean to say is this: it's a basic... [Read More]
Tracked on Jul 25, 2005 2:31:25 AM
Comments
In Chomsky-style leftism do we ever go to war? If not, these questions become a lot simpler. ;-)
I think anybody with even a slight knowledge of military history should have some understanding that bad things happen in war, and that it is unlikely that there has ever been a military conflict of any significance where at least some of the "good guys" did some very bad things. That's a reality that the planners of the Iraq war certainly knew going in.
In some conflicts, the atrocious conduct by "our side" is diminished in the history books, perhaps in part because the victims understood the stakes (the great "stakes" to which you allude), but perhaps mostly because "we won". Robert McNamara quotes General Curtis LeMay as expressing that the firebombings in Japan were war crimes - but we won. What's that cliche about victors and history books?
To me, it seems rather obvious that if you are going to launch a major military operation, and have an IQ above room temperature such that you recognize that "bad things will happen", you should also have a plan of some sort for helping to diminish the likelihood of "bad things" and of addressing the public relations consequences when the "bad things" are covered in the media.
It is perfectly legitimate to be angry with an administration which was, seemingly as usual, asleep at the switch on this issue. Whether in taking adequate preventive measures (e.g., something as simple as setting up surveillance cameras in the prison hallways, such that a single officer could monitor and review guard conduct and ensure proper discipline), or even preparing a reasonable response during the months the Taguba Report sat on their desks.
Torture in other prisons in the middle east doesn't serve to make the U.S. look hypocritical, and doesn't serve to undermine our ostensible effort to transform that region. It is not unreasonable for somebody to express a different sort of anger at conduct which seems likely to set back our cause, facilitate recruitment by terrorist groups, and put the lives of our troops, countrymen and allies in danger, even while accepting that "all torture is bad".
Posted by: Aaron at Jun 2, 2004 7:34:49 AM
Paul, I have a rather different interpretation of the WWII experience in terms of the conduct of the war. I think that the conduct was such that the populations of almost the major participants simply refused to countenance another such war. In spite of the bombings in Vietnam and Korea, the U.S. never unleashed the kind of bombing of Hanoi that was par for the course in WWII. And in spite of crushing dissidence in Hungary and fighting a very dirty war in Afghanistan, the Russian army never performed in the harrowing way that Beevor records in his book on the battle of Berlin.
My optimistic take on this is that there is something to the notion of a general will -- that is, a commonly shared notion of what is and what isn't acceptable. And that this notion changes -- that, in other words, people learn.
What happened, I think, between 1914 and 1945 was a huge lesson -- at least for Europeans -- in how warfare could now be waged. Since those wars weren't fought on American soil, the lesson might have been less visceral for Americans -- but I think that the lesson sank in from the war in the Pacific that, unless there was some internal control on the extent to which we'd go to exterminate the enemy, that we would soon near disaster. Now, it is true that changes in the conduct of war after WWII aren't especially evidence of this change in the "general will." However, when you start looking at post-war popular culture, you find strong, educative themes about the unleashing of violence which seems to respond to some unconscious worry. And definitely, when you look at polls broken down by age about America's various wars since WWII, the striking thing is the group that first adopts the more non-violent position is older -- people who have had time to reflect on the experience of 1914-1945.
As that experience has faded out, it has left us with changed norms. But I wonder if the norms will stay, given that the experience backing them has faded.
Posted by: roger at Jun 5, 2004 9:49:49 AM
Without wanting to express too much disagreement with your point, I think that, had North Vietnam pulled off a 9/11-type incident or had Vietnam (or Cambodia) been in the location of Mexico, we would have been far less restrained in bombing Hanoi, and probably would have bombed the Red River Dams and starved the North into submission.
I do appreciate the notion of a general will - an attitude of what is or is not acceptable - but I think that will can be quickly bent or broken by the other side's "bad conduct" - "You bombed Coventry? Well, then, we'll destroy Dresden!" - or by an absence of external limiting factors, be they anticipated public reaction at home or anticipated international condemnation (which is deemed to outweigh the tactical advantage of using atrocious methods to win a battle or war).
Posted by: Aaron at Jun 5, 2004 3:17:44 PM