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Wake Up
I claim no expertise in augury nor haruspicy, nor the more modest art of taking the correct measure of the political landscape. Still I wonder how anyone can doubt that war with Iran is a matter of when - not if. I certainly don't welcome it, and would be glad to hear a plausible scenario in which such is averted - but to convince me, the following phainomena will have to be accounted for.
In 2003, President Bush declared : "The United States of America will not permit the world's most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world's most destructive weapons."
President Ahmadinejad has just said: ""The [Iranian] government will not back down one iota on defending people's rights" - namely, continuing with 'low-level' uranium enrichment.
Picture the scene: 150,000-odd US troops, 10,000-odd British troops (and sundry others), in Iraq, with a hostile, newly nuclear theocracy right next door. Forget about whether the invasion/occupation of Iraq was a defensible and wise course originally. Especially - though not only - if the policy will be to "stay the course," how can a nuclear-armed Iran (as currently ruled) not be a direct, existential threat to the entire enterprise?
The UNSC debacle over Iraq ought to disabuse anyone of the notion that "Diplomacy" has much hope, since, then as now, the main parties required to speak univocally have, in actual fact, wildly divergent interests. Here I feel a small measure of sympathy for Iranian theocrats, who protest that they are suffering "colonial" treatment. When Clausewitz famously declared that (paraphrasing) war continues policy according to other means, some wit might have affirmed the truth of the converse: diplomatic policy is war by other means. For "the West" to get its way in this situation, "diplomacy" can only be tantamount to a kind of aggressive intimidation, sweetened with various bribes. The threat of force always lurks in the background - a sort of malign potentia. Thus, to cajole the Iranian government into abandoning its nuclear ambitions can hardly but be an act of de facto domination, that is, overlordship. They know it - and hence they resist it. To a certain mentality, this shows the moral bankruptcy of "our side"; to me that judgement bespeaks the wrongheadedness of the mentality, which cannot or will not see the "Hobbesian" nature of the world scene, entailing hard choices.
Occasional rhetoric to the contrary notwithstanding, the so-called International Community is not a fellowship of free and equal states, neither morally, nor in terms of power and strength; behind the facade of order roils a barely containable anarchy. Alas, "might makes Right" - emphatically not in the sense that naked, destructive force is its own justification, but rather that "Right" is ineffectual without the capacity to coerce compliance.
The clearest minds have seen that war is ineradicable without a true world government - which would also likely mean global despotism. Nice choice, huh? - perennial war-making or the "peace" of a cosmopolitan pactum subjectionis. (Perhaps in a future post I'll consider the notion of "Christendom," as well as it modern-secular descendant, "neo-Liberalism," as candidates for world conversion and pacification).
Update: Read Niall Ferguson in the Telegraph.
January 13, 2006 | Permalink
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Comments
A war with Iran would truly be an ugly war. First, it would likely cause the "insurgency" in Iraq to reach unprecedented levels as Iran would certainly provide arms to the Iraqi insurgents (whether or not they are Shiite) in the interest of bogging down the U.S. military. Second, unlike Iraq, Iran presumably does have biological and chemical weapons, and may well use them. Third, whatever "coalition of the willing" we assembled, it would be predominantly a U.S. effort and we would pay the lion's share of the cost. Fourth, we are in no position to occupy Iran following an invasion - and even if we were, look at our track record in Iraq, where we're congratulating ourselves on what so far is a Shiite dominated theocratic republic (which may not be so big on elections in the future).
I think that Iran has pressed ahead with its nuclear weapons program with the goal of preventing invasion. I would venture that the recently broken seals on their reactors reflect that their nuclear program lacks little but enriched uranium. And if they agree to put the seals back on the reactors, big deal - the already have the materials they need. (So expect that to be their next diplomatic "concession".)
Posted by: Aaron at Jan 13, 2006 1:54:03 PM
Aaron,
Good points.
I'm not sure, though, that an invasion and subsequent occupation are in the the cards. My sense is that we'd see a sustained bombing campaign - as "smart" as possible. How the Iranians responded would dictate the next steps - say, confrontation on the ground.
Another negative upshot is the very strong chance of alientating the Iranian populace, who seem to be pro-Western/American at present. As Roger has noted, it's not just the theocrats who want the bomb - there seems (pun intended) to be critical mass in the general population for a nuclear capability. If the attack could somehow cause the theocracy to collapse, at least any future nukes would be in more trustworthy hands.
I haven't thought this through sufficiently, but perhaps the strongest prudential reason against invading Iraq is how doing so has hamstrung us in effectively dealing with Iran (which dovetails with your second point) - now we're the de facto guarantors of order over a restive Shia population in Southern Iraq, which has strong affinity for Iran.
2006 might be a bad year ...
Posted by: Paul Craddick at Jan 13, 2006 9:44:17 PM
As a good friend of mine, a veteran of the USAF, asserts that if we do engage in a sustained, multi-week bombing campaign of Iran, we're pretty much guaranteed that they will "open the borders" to Iraq. It's easy to pretend that Iran is always acting contrary to our interests, but right now they apparently believe that their interests and ours coincide - in that we are establishing a Shiite government in Iraq (even if that wasn't our intention going in) - and that they have a lot more to gain by facilitating that result than by even passively assisting the insurgency. If the government collapses, it's an absolute given that the borders won't be closed from Iran's side (while being anything but a given that a successor government will be more moderate).
I'm not thrilled with the Niall Ferguson piece - even overlooking the prism through which Ferguson views history, it's far too easy to write a piece of pure fiction poo-pooing people for not sharing your personal insights. He apparently believes (or wants his audience to believe) that the moment Iran gets nuclear weapons, we're going to have a nuclear exchange between Iran and Israel. (Or at least, found that position to be a useful rhetorical tool when framing his argument.)
Ferguson reminds me of those who used to argue that Ghadaffi is completely insane; damn the facts, asserting his "insanity" advanced their preferred approach to Libya. The Mullahs of Iran aren't by any measure people I want to see armed with nuclear weapons, but I don't see any evidence that they are insane. I also believe Ferguson is far too informed of the reality to actually endorse his implicit argument, that Iran's nuclear capacity could be eliminated with a handful of precision air strikes analogous to Israel's historic strike on Iraq.
One thing I do find a bit amusing in Ferguson's piece is his depiction of a United States, unable to see clearly in the Middle East because of the death of Ariel Sharon. There's an idol I simply won't worship: Sharon's "vision" as a military leader led Israel into (and out of) a catastrophic occupation of Gaza, and into a catastrophic invasion and occupation in Lebanon (leaving it to others to withdraw). With "unfortunate" incidents like Kibya, Sabra and Shatila overshadowing his various military ventures. Besides, had the U.S. been paying attention to Sharon in 2001-2002, we would be in Iran instead of Iraq.
Personally, I think that Ferguson is framing his argument as a fictional retrospective because even he finds his arguments to be otherwise unpersuasive.
Posted by: Aaron at Jan 16, 2006 4:38:30 PM
This may come as an interruption of the last three posts, but I wanted to comment on the last two paragraphs.
First a quote:
"The United Nations Organization needs to rise more and more above the cold status of an administrative institution and to become a moral centre where all the nations of the world feel at home and develop a shared awareness of being, as it were, a 'family of nations'." (http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/john_paul_ii/speeches/1995/october/documents/hf_jp-ii_spe_05101995_address-to-uno_en.html)
From John Paul II's address to the UN in 1995. Without this moral aspect (not necessarily religious but incorporating religion), no real peace. Obviously the notion of coercing compliance raises the specter of tyranny, frightening off the would-be member nations. But tyranny is a risk worth running for a true and lasting peace. Without a world government, the risks seem much greater, that pursuing the "advantage of the stronger" overtakes all other concerns, wrapped in "National Interest", always treating the Other as less and not worthy.
Posted by: Nameless Nobody at Jan 17, 2006 10:16:47 AM
I'm one of your doubters, Paul. A., I don't think Bush feels quite so suicidal that he wants to see the price of oil rise to the level it would, I imagine, rise to -- especially because, contra the hawks, the Saudis aren't into heavy military action with Iran and due to the winds of freedom, lovely freedom, sweeping the middle east, the house of Saud is gonna have to listen to their population here. B., this situation is set up for diplomacy. Contra vous, I think there is every reason in the word for this to cycle through crisis to negotiations to crisis, and I think that is a good thing. It will help the establishment in Iran, those crazy daisy mullahs who are not happen with the return of Khomenei, with the president being whipped from one side to another. And Russia and China and India -- the latter two as customers -- will ensure that there are concessions, which the Americans will decry as too little. The left has been crying wolf about an american airstrike for a long time, and I bought into some of the story in 2004, but I think I was bamboozled there by hatred for the Bushies.
This is going to be a good time to wave a big stick, listen to hawks talk about appeasement and Chamberlain, and watch a series of halfway measures. There are times when appeasement is a good thing. Given that Iran is not Hitler's Germany -- far from it -- this will be one of em.
ps -- why is it that the anti-Iranian faction has chosen to ignore the numerous signs that Ahmadinejad is struggling for power in Iran? There is a weird bi-focal thing going on here. On the one hand, we are assured that Iran is a dictatorship, and that the elections are fake. In which case, who is the dictator? Surely the conservatives, the bazaar party, and the mullahs. And surely they are the one's opposing such things as Ahmadinejad's populist offers of more money for welfare -- in fact, they've been blunt about it. And they are the ones who control the military. On the other hand, maybe Iran is a democracy, the election does reflect the spirit of the Iranians rising up to face the Imperialist Americans and Israelis, and we are doomed. Myself, I take the middle path -- I think Ahmadinejad has more power than the mullahs think he does -- he is playing all his wild cards right now. But I would say the odds are against him in the end. That is my gut feeling, and it may well be lousy. But at least it does take into account what is happening in Iran right now, instead of painting the cartoon picture Ferguson applies.
Posted by: roger at Jan 17, 2006 4:37:07 PM
Oops. ... not happy [not happen] with the return of Khomenei"
Posted by: roger at Jan 17, 2006 4:38:58 PM